Along with the increasing popularity of vernacular music, and the opening up of cultural currents from India, the Malay Peninsula, and the Middle East, groups of orkes melayu adapting Indian and Malay music in their songs were increasingly emerging

One of the most famous Malay orchestra artists was Ellya Khadam. The singer, who was nicknamed the ‘Indian doll’, was one of the first generations of dangdut stars.

With “Boneka Dari India,” Ellya firstly introduced the foundation of dangdut music. The references to India are clearly shown in the title of the song, as well as the accompanying instruments, such as accordion, violin, capsule drum, and mandolin. In this song, Ellya narrates the story of a girl who receives an Indian doll as a birthday present from her father, who has just returned from India.

The term dangdut appeared in the 1972-1973s. This name is associated with the lower middle class. This name was onomatopoeic from the drum rhythm, which sounds dang and dut when it is played (William H. Frederick, 1982). Together with the group he formed, Soneta, Rhoma Irama brought the music they played to a level of fame that was unimaginable before.

The musical formula he concocted turned out to be acceptable to the public. The formula recipe is a mixture of Indian music, Arabic, Malay-Deli, and one special touch: rock guitar licks à la Ritchie Blackmore from the hard rock group Deep Purple. Rhoma also inserted song lyrics that were full of moral and social messages in his songs. These messages were closely related to the daily lives of the Indonesian people

According to sociologist Ariel Heryanto, grassroots are morally superior, economically weak, but politically sovereign, often sufiering injustice caused by the rich and powerful (Heryanto, 1999). The formula of Rhoma and Soneta’s music makes dangdut accepted by middle-up society and programmed in theater spaces. Dangdut also makes the musicians more prosperous from a commercial perspective (Ceres E. Pioquinto, 1998). Dangdut, which was previously vernacular music developed in lower middle-class society, is now turning into established music. It has its own market segment in the Indonesian music industry. This music even became a new trend that drove the direction of the Indonesian music scene at that time (Weintraub, 2010). The growing popularity of dangdut has sparked the emergence of many musical variations of dangdut itself.

The impact of the growing popularity of Rhoma Irama and his da’wah (invitation/issuing a summons) music was the emergence of other groups which also adapted dangdut and religious formulas. This new type of music was called qasidah. One of the most well-known musical groups is a girl group from Semarang named Nasida Ria.

Started in 1975, Nasida Ria is much inspired by qasidah,music that originally comes from the Arabian peninsula. Qasidah is a kind of poetry-set music developed in the Arabian peninsula. There is no information about when qasidah ffrst entered Indonesia. However, some singers claimed that the qasidah was introduced to Indonesia from Malaysia in the 1960s (Hung, 2014).

"Bom Nuklir" released in 1982 by Nasida Ria focuses on the devastating impact of nuclear weapons on life and the environment. The song conveys a powerful anti-war message, highlighting the potential destruction that can arise from the use of nuclear bombs. Through vivid imagery and repetitive phrasing, the lyrics create a stark warning about the catastrophic consequences of such weapons, urging listeners to consider the fragility of human existence and the urgent need for peace.

Through songs like this, Nasida Ria has expanded its reach internationally, performing in countries such as Malaysia, Hong Kong, and Germany. These performances have helped to elevate the global perception of Qasidah, showcasing its ability to transcend cultural and linguistic barriers while preserving its Islamic roots.

Funkot (an abbreviation from Funky Kota) is an electronic dance music genre from Indonesia that emerged in the 1990s. Funkot is a mix of House music with a tempo of 160 to 220 bpm (beats per minute). At that time house music is known as funky music and the word kota or city refers to discotheque district in Central Jakarta, where Funkot starts to flourish.

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ͳ𝜢ᴇ ꕷͳ🔵𝚁𝞤 🔵ߓ ߓŰƝꝅ🔵ͳ

House music enters Indonesian scene in the early 90s, mostly represented by its sub-genre, Eurodance and Acid House that is often performed by local DJ's in discotheques in Central Jakarta.

The releases were fancied by many that it became a hit in many places and radios including homes, restaurants, parking lots, local shops and even in public transportation.

Remixing practice that was published became a trend for musician and music producers at the time.

In the 90s, one of the most popular group of house dangdut or funkot is Barakatak from Bandung.

The reach of house music is so vast amongst Indonesian society that it motivates musicians to remix popular music even traditional or asian pop music. The massive popularity of dangdut made this house version of dangdut very famous all over the country.

It is here funkot was born with a distinct character. Funkot has a very fast beat up to 220 bpm and made it the fastest beat music that were ever made in Indonesia. The open nature of dangdut has resulted in funkot mix with popular local music in various areas in Indonesia.

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FᵾNꝀØŦ ƗN ɈȺⱣȺN

It has always struck me that dangdut is not just a music but also a space within Indonesian society in which various types of moral and cultural transgressions take place.

ᵒᵗʰᵉʳ ᵛᵅʳⁱᵅⁿᵗˢ

While pop culture provides a resource-rich venue for the study of various aspects of contemporary society, the politics of identity in the production and consumption of popular culture will be the focus of this book for very specific historical reasons.

Strinati made four main criticisms of mass culture theory:

- Mass culture is not homogenous
- Consumers of mass culture are not passive
- There is no clear boundary between high and mass (or popular) culture.
- cultural politics and power

Such an appropriation does not obey laws of “cultural exchange,” and it is usually asymmetrical. But this doesn’t mean it’s used solely by the privileged or powerful on the marginalized and powerless, since it’s also employed by the marginalized and powerless. In the formulation of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, global capital, in its contemporary form of empire, appropriates the wealth of the commons through legal protocols such as patent and copyright registry, by which it establishes ownership. The goal of the multitude—those who are poor because they are denied access to material wealth and the realm of the immaterial that includes ideas, identities—is to reappropriate that wealth

Subaltern, subcultural, and other marginal folk groups are scapegoated by global capitalism for criminal acts of reappropriation, but global capital is itself nothing other than institutionalized and legitimated appropriation on a vast scale. As a Somali pirate pointed out in a recent interview with a journalist, “We don’t consider ourselves sea bandits. We consider sea bandits those who illegally fish in our seas and dump waste in our seas.”